William Joyce and MI-5

In essence, Joyce was no traitor, he was working for British Intelligence, and he trusted that the authorities would not let him down at his hour of need and that his execution would be prevented at the last minute by his compatriots. As such, Joyce could not have committed an act of treason. Sadly the system failed him and a gross injustice stands to be corrected.

This is a point I have made in various places, as have others over the past 20 years. Working in parallel, we’ve amassed a substantive body of evidence and argument that blows the received “Lord Haw-Haw” story to smithereens.

Indubitably, William Joyce was an agent or operative of British Intelligence, probably expected to provide information on the Soviets in the 1939-41 period, while maintaining cover as a pro-Nazi British broadcaster in Berlin. He was executed in early 1946 to appease the Soviets, and presumably with the connivance of Soviet agents then embedded in MI-5 and MI-6. Joyce was the man who knew too much.

I don’t think I ever ran across this Giovanni Di Stefano essay before. I link it here because it’s an easy introduction to the whole controversy.

The Execution Of William Joyce ‘Lord Haw Haw’ At Wandsworth Prison In 1946 By Giovanni Di Stefano

The Downloadable E-book Scam

I sensed that these soft scams existed on the internet, but they always seemed so lame and profitless I mentally put them in the category of pop-up stores (those shops that appear in otherwise vacant commercial spaces for a month or two before Christmas). They come, they go, maybe occasionally they have a movie or PDF book you really want and are willing to pay for. Otherwise you pay them little heed.

But today I discovered—surprise!—that they often lure you to their sites by offering goods they do not even have.

The content I was looking for was Bryan Clough’s 2005 book, State Secrets, which I briefly outlined a long time ago on this site. It argues that the real target of the Tyler Kent/Anna Wolkoff case in 1940 was Ambassador Joseph P. Kennedy, whom certain parties wanted out of the way. I can’t sign onto that thesis, but it’s a fascinating one, even in the brief précis I have seen and written about.

But I’m not here to talk about that book, or about Kent-Wolkoff. I just want you to see the kind of bilious, semiliterate computer-generated rubbish that these scam sites operate. They don’t have your book/e-book/PDF/movie but they want your credit card number anyway, just so you can have a FREE trial membership! Only after supplying your credentials do you discover, mirabile dictu, they not only don’t have what you want, what they do have is utter crap.

What you see below is a worse-than-usual example of these scam sites, but amusing and perhaps a little bit more ambitious than some. They actually make an effort to provide a Goodreads-style Book Review that is pure unintelligible horseradish.

But you have to try to read it to see what Jabberwocky it is. Most wandering eyes won’t bother with that. That the whole thing is computer-generated is indicated by the fact that the rest of the blurb is similarly nonsensical.

I post it all as an image because much of the page is cut-and-pasted from PDFs rather than html, so there’s no easy cut/paste for us:

The Cities and the Pillars

I had an hour to kill so I idly googled the name of a fictitious character. That led me to an online edition of a legendary book that I had read only in earlier, substantially different editions. This was the early novel that ruined Gore Vidal’s life, only as things turned out it made his career, since he wasn’t going to survive by churning out thoughtful novels about contemporary Postwar angst, and would need to develop his talents elsewhere. The 50s were full of bad-good novels (The Catcher in the Rye, The Talented Mr. Ripley) as well as bad-bad ones (By Love Possessed), but Gore stopped adding to the heap, as a result of which he avoided the dismal fate that befell James Gould Cozzens.

In later years he brooded over The City and the Pillar‘s reception while failing to appreciate how good it was, at least in parts. He bitterly decried the politically engaged philistines who dismissed him as a tawdry hack (Stephen Spender got a great shellacking) and set about fixing what was wrong with the book itself. Only thing is, it wasn’t broke. It was just weird. Not understanding this, he rewrote it all to make it less weird, make the prose slicker. And I think he pretty much kept revising it, reinterpreting it, up to the last years of his life. But he never improved it, he just made it worse. All because he was ashamed of the original model.

Anyway, in the “review” form for this book at booksvooks.com I set forth the following:

I happily stumbled upon this while googling “Maria Verlaine,” the Anaïs Nin avatar who travels with Jim Willard and Paul Sullivan in the middle of the book. (More trivia: she reappears under a different name in the short novel ‘Two Sisters.’) I’d never seen this edition before. I suspect the author rewrote much of novel yet again, having already extensively revised in the 1960s. Certainly the Introduction is very different from the short Afterword that Gore wrote for ‘The City and the Pillar, Revised,’ around 1965. (You can find this intermediate version at the Internet Archive. You’ll notice the Afterword includes some of the same passages and complaints.) For this final published edition that we’re now looking at, Gore decided to append the original ending, with its murder and presumed suicide. This was to satisfy readers’ curiosity, as most would have heard of the 1948 version’s notoriety and bleak ending, but few would have read it recently. 

I once owned a first edition, first printing. Back in the 1980s, I took it along to a Gore Vidal autograph party at B. Dalton at 52nd St and Fifth Avenue—an enterprise now long gone, along with most bookshops, chain as well as independent. Gore looked unhappy when I presented this near-mint copy. That could be just my imagination, but I like to think it meant he wasn’t as proud and cavalier about that 1948 career-killer as he would later make out. His next few novels, in the early 50s, didn’t sell at all, so he had to apprentice himself to the hack factories of Hollywood to make a living—at least till he became such a prolific and skilled scriptmaster that he was able to return to New York with two hit Broadway plays in a row. But still, no more novels for a long while! Anyway, there at B. Dalton, circa 1987, Gore cringed slightly but signed his G— V— on the title page dutifully while I made small talk about some of his less noted works. Nobody bought ‘Duluth,’ he said—”Except some people in Duluth!” I had to interview him a few years later, and got a little more out of him. 

Anyway, now that I’ve taken you this far, let me say that I far preferred the original version of his book. He says he was trying to imitate James T. Farrell, but really he uses the same basic sub-Hemingwayesque prose style he put into his first novel, ‘Williwaw,’ which resembles the later book in some other respects (there are ships and the sea and boring voyages). Get that original if you can. The stark, staccato prose gives the story a ring of authenticity missing from the revised version(s). 

Postscript, August 15, 2021

I doubt many people will get through the foregoing sludge. I enjoy rereading it a few days later because it’s a prime example of what my clotted prose style looks like before I put it through the grinder. While typing out the draft I could not resist the temptation to plug in extra asides that occurred to me, and which now serve as speed-bumps to the reader. Some of them are self-indulgent (bringing up Anaïs Nin in Two Sisters). Some have useful insights that may be more distracting than informative (the bony Hemingway prose in Williwaw, and that novel’s military and nautical overlaps with The City and the Pillar). Some are mystifying. What exactly is a good-bad novel? One that is tasty if not nutritious, like a big chocolate bar? But the two examples I gave are truly literature. I think my basic motive was to say Gore did not want to be another James Gould Cozzens, who wrote the legendarily bad bestseller of 1957, By Love Possessed. That book is often mistaken for a lurid sex novel like Peyton Place (Lana Turner starred in the film versions of both), but it was really intended as a high-minded novel of ideas, something Cozzens labored over for twenty years, which is more than twice as long as the time Scott Fitzgerald spent on his own high-minded mutant turkey, Tender Is the Night.

The Snagglepuss Movie

Below, notes for a shaggy-dog story that’s been kicking around for 9 or 10 years. Basic point is that this talented guy who knows Bill Hanna and Joe Barbera proposes a feature film with one of their characters, and they give him Snagglepuss, because that’s definitely a second-tier figure. So the guy writes a script and works on storyboards but the animated feature just never gets made. Bill and Joe feel bad about it so they give the guy rights to Snagglepuss until 1970, thinking maybe he can use the figure in TV commercials. But the ad agencies aren’t interested, they think Snagglepuss is too much like the Pink Panther and clients and audiences will wonder why someone would use an imitation Pink Panther instead of the real deal.

Finally our hero has to go to work doing marketing for a fast-food franchisor, and he comes up with the idea of a Snagglepuss Chili Dog chain. He’s got a special way of cutting hot dogs so that when you grill them (or sauté them—he’s the kind of guy who in 1966 was saying sauté) they curl up into a wreath so you can serve them on hamburger buns, and put chili or other fillings in the doughnut-hole! Well he and some investors do set up a few low-budget Snagglepuss locations in Florida, and they do okay. Home of the Round Chili Dog! Only ten cents! Except they have to raise the price to 15c and then 20c. And he makes a couple of animated commercials for this local market. But then one of the franchising groups for Bob’s Big Boy buys out the big investors and replace the revolving Snagglepuss statue with the Big Boy.

And now, the notes from the boneyard:

Adventures of Snagglepuss

Cousin Dave was hands-down the most talented of my relatives. He was also one of the wealthiest, at least when he was young. Taxes and bad investments ate up a lot of his inheritance, and then he blew most of the remainder on an ill-starred animation venture.

This would have been in the early 60s. Dave knew Joe Barbera and Bill Hanna, then riding high on the success of The Flintstones, Huckleberry Hound, et al., and proposed making a feature-length theatrical cartoon starring Snagglepuss.

If you don’t know Snagglepuss, he was a fey pink puma who talked something like Bert Lahr. I think he appeared in a back-segment of Quick-Draw McGraw, the same way Yogi Bear started out as a supporting player on Huckleberry Hound. But Snagglepuss did not have the popularity and break-out potential of Yogi Bear. I’m sure this is why Bill Hanna and Joe Barbera gave Cousin Dave the go-ahead.

I don’t think Dave really knew the character well. He knew about making animated cartoons (mostly for commercials) but didn’t actually watch TV. So he didn’t know how bad a character Snagglepuss was—tiresome enough for seven-minutes, unimaginable for seventy-seven. All Dave knew was that Hanna and Barbera knew their business, and a Hanna-Barbera character was money in the bank.

The Snagglepuss feature was supposed to be a joint venture between Dave’s shop (then consisting of a half-dozen part-timers and freelancers) and Hanna-Barbera. Dave would do the initial writing and storyboarding, and manage the publicity. Hanna-Barbera would provide most of the technical knowledge and gruntwork. That was Dave’s clear understanding, anyway. Apparently it was never agreed to on paper.

After six or eight months Dave brought Joe and Bill the completed storyboards. Six or eight months after that, Dave discovered that Hanna-Barbera hadn’t assigned anyone to the Snagglepuss movie, and the storyboards were just collecting dust. Joe and Bill were apologetic, but said there was just too much work and too few hands. They suggested sending Snagglepuss off to a low-cost animation shop in Mexico. Dave did not like that idea at all, but he was stuck. He decided to try the Mexicans, and when they inevitably screwed up, he would show the pathetic results to Joe and Bill, and Joe and Bill would put their top studio animators on the job.

The Mexicans were even worse than Dave imagined. They took the money (about $1500, I believe) and produced nothing. Dave ran up thousands of dollars’ worth of phone calls to Guadelajara, demanding of the one person there who could speak English why the work hadn’t been done, or hadn’t been sent, or whatever.

Finally the Mexican shop moved or went out of business. Dave complained to Joe and Bill.

“That’s really awful,” said Joe Barbera. “They came highly recommended.”

By now Dave had almost as little interest in the Snagglepuss movie as Joe and Bill, but he had invested a great deal of his own time and money and wanted something to show for it. Joe and Bill were sympathetic, and suggested letting Dave have the rights to the Snagglepuss character for the next few years–say, till 1968. Dave could use him to advertise breakfast cereal, doughnuts, children’s vitamins, whatever. Dave wasn’t overjoyed at this payoff, but he took it, figuring that he would resell the rights quickly and get Snagglepuss out of his life. He leased the character to a chain of southern fast-food drive-ins specializing in chili dogs. For a year or two, travelers from Florida to the Carolinas grew used to seeing a 20-foot pink cat advertising ten-cent chili dogs. Then the chili-dog chain was acquired by one of the Bob’s Big Boy groups, and the Snagglepuss signs were no more. The Big Boy consortium said they weren’t obligated to pay the remainder of the lease.

Kevin Coogan

Note: I drafted these notes about a year ago, i.e. March 2020. They were meant as a personal aide-memoire, and do that job admirably, as when I rediscovered them just now I had no recollection of spending much time on the subject of this very minor figure’s death. (Sonambulistic writing? Alcoholic blackout? The fact is, I don’t remember an awful lot of what I write. The moving finger writes and moves on.) But here’s the funny thing. Twice since last June I have been contacted by people wishing to alert me to a rather turgid, histrionic piece on Coogan that appeared in RadixJournal. The author of that piece reads dark significance into the revelation that Kevin and I communicated nearly three decades back—as indeed he also talked to Adam Parfrey and H. K. Thompson, both of whom were friends of mine for many years. People know each other and people talk. One must always guard against reading too much into that.

==================================================

In the early 90s I encountered a somewhat scatterbrained fellow posing as an “investigative journalist,” who hoped to write a book about something. I indulged him for an hour or two, gave him some information. Amazingly, a book did appear six or seven years later, but I was not remembered in the citations and acknowledgments. That was fine with me.

Now I find this fellow, Kevin Coogan, has died.  A Leftist editor at Routledge memorializes him in a series of tweets (below). Skip to the bottom and I’ll give reflections.

A thread by Craig F

I’m terribly sad to pass on news that my friend, investigative journalist & author Kevin Coogan has passed away in his beloved NYC.

Kevin was a brilliant & extremely knowledgable researcher whose 1999 book Dreamer of the Day is one of most important works on post-war fascism

Here’s Kevin being interviewed about the book by anti-fascist researcher David Emory for his Spitfire list radio show (spitfirelist.com/for-the-record…)

Kevin’s other important work on right-wing extremism includes this piece in Hit List in 1999 on Michael Moynihan & National Socialist Black Metal, ‘How Black is Black Metal’ (swiki.hfbk-hamburg.de/Lebensreform/u…)

He also wrote a revealing piece in Hit List in 2002 on Ahmed Huber, the Switzerland-based Islamist extremist & antisemite who also worshipped Hitler (dev.autonomedia.org/node/998)

His 2006 essay ‘The Defenders of the American Constitution and The League of Empire Loyalists’ was an invaluable investigation of postwar Anglo-American conspiracist networks (web.archive.org/web/2006082310…)

Kevin was a former member of Lyndon Larouche’s NCLC but left after that organisation moved to the far right. He later worked to expose the LaRouche cult contributing research to author Dennis King for his book ‘Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism’

In 2002 Kevin published an article on right-wing infiltration of the anti-war movement, focusing on LaRouchite cohort Ramsey Clark (thirdrailmag.com/archives/s02/c…)

Under the pseudonym ‘Hylozoic Hedgehog’, Kevin wrote two full length scholarly exposes of the LaRouche cult. His 2009 book ‘Smiling Man from a Dead Planet: The Mystery of Lyndon LaRouche’ was a detailed & well-referenced biography (laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.…)

While his 2013 book ‘How It All Began: The Origins and History of the National Caucus of Labor Committees in New York and Philadelphia (1966-1971)’ revealed the inner workings of the group before its lurch to the far right (laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.…)

Kevin also provided advice to @DrMatthewSweet for his excellent book looking at aspects of the LaRouche cult ‘Operation Chaos: The Vietnam Deserters Who Fought the CIA, the Brainwashers, and Themselves’ (panmacmillan.com/authors/matthe…)

Kevin was a great scholar in his own right but also helped lots of other researchers & writers. He contributed much of the research towards Martin Lee’s 1997 book The Beast Reawakens on the revival of post-war neo-Nazism

Some of that research was revealed in this 1997 co-authored piece ‘Killers on the Right’ on European neo-fascism which was published in Mother Jones (books.google.co.uk/books?id=recDA…)

Kevin also contributed to this 1986 Village Voice article on Ukrainian Nazi Mykola Lebed who had been relocated to the US with the help of the CIA (villagevoice.com/2020/02/26/to-…)

He also provided research for Arthur Eckstein for his book ‘Bad Moon Rising: How the Weather Underground Beat the FBI and Lost the Revolution’ (yalebooks.yale.edu/book/978030022…)

More recently Kevin had just finished two manuscripts. One on the Polish spy/defector & would-be Tsar Michael Goleniewski and one on the Japanese Red Army. I hope to be able to pay tribute to his memory & legacy by still publishing both of these

I should also have linked to some of Kevin’s work for @LobsterMagazine such as his long piece Tokyo Legend? on Lee Harvey Oswald & Japan (lobster-magazine.co.uk/free/lobster70…)

Well I must say, this is all a little enlightening but mainly depressing. Kevin told me that politically he was “sort of Frankfurt School,” which I took to be a line he’d invented to ward off further inquiries. To this day I have never met anyone else who claimed to be an adherent of the Frankfurt School, as that term is mainly used as a shibboleth, usually to damn it. So I guess his thinking was all fuzzy and flaky, and never got beyond the vapid conspiracy-theory culture of his youth.

We find him consorting with Lyn Marcus’s wacky revolutionaries 45-50 years ago, and subsequently attempting to establish himself as a Lefty journalist by “exposing” Marcus as Lyndon LaRouche, a “fascist” subversive. Even making allowances for Kevin’s extreme youth in those days, we have to wonder about someone who got caught up in LaRouche kookiness in the first place, and then decided that a militant anti-LaRouche campaign was a really fruitful expenditure of ink and energy. The fact is, almost no one ever heard of or cared about Lyn Marcus or Lyndon LaRouche. And most of the publicity Marcus/LaRouche did get was disseminated by hippie-Lefty wannabes like Kevin Coogan. LaRoucheites were the Moonie-like cultists who 30 or 40 years ago would buttonhole you at airports or Columbus Circle (their HQ was nearby), and tried to persuade you to sign up for a subscription to some glossy rag that cost $300 a year and revealed all the hidden political secrets in the world today!

And that was basically the mindset of Kevin Coogan, and, alas many other lost souls in the world today. They can’t extricate themselves from this conspiracy groupthink. This is why it’s pointless ever to engage with far-Left and antifa types. Their thoughts are dark, confused mush, and they automatically assume that anyone they speak to is similarly addlebrained. If they’re really lucky, they might land a “job” as contributing editor to Mother Jones or The Nation, but more commonly they end up as funny bylines in Lobster Magazine.

And this was the background of the earnest young researcher to whom I gave maybe 90 minutes of my life around 1993.

POSTSCRIPT 24 July 2023:

RADIXJOURNAL ARTICLE (June 4, 2020) ON COOGAN, BOLTON, YOCKEY, ME.

The full article, which has disappeared from Radix (offline?) is archived here.

One D. Moorehouse is discussing the death of Kevin Coogan, his connection to Adam Parfrey and me, and my memorial to Adam in May 2018, which appeared in slightly different forms on this blog where I drafted it, and in Counter-Currents, where it was augmented with asides and various character notes (by John Morgan).

Excerpt:

Counter-Currents Publishing (which has come to the defense of Bolton’s works) hosted a memorial to Adam Parfrey following his death.  The vigil’s author Margot (same as the unwitting informant) asserts that Adam was, in fact, a satanist. But my concern is more than throwing about quips on one’s risqué faith; we can now uncover a nexus between the anarcho-satanist publisher Feral House (Parfrey’s), Autonomedia (anarcho-marxist publisher of Dreamer), Coogan’s attempts to dissociate from the occult vis-à-vis LaRouche, and the many red-herrings of his text claiming a vanilla lifestyle.  Much how his surface level anti-bolshevism in Dreamer and ‘Lost Imperium’ are exposed as phony upon Proyect’s testimony, the same goes for his attempts to slash and burn affiliations with prior circles he investigated.

It appears that the pseudonymous informant of ‘Margot’ – whose review has not yet been redacted – is also behind the blog ‘Margot Metroland’ documenting Adam Parfrey’s life (mirrored by Counter-Currents).  Through ‘Remembering Adam Parfrey’, we finally get a written testimony mirrored on two sites by an author under the same handle, stating that Coogan was given the information to compile Yockey’s biography.[20]  We can confidently assume this is the same figure: the East Coast flagship partner of Counter-Currents which Antifa went through many gyrations to find.  Meaning that, if the Celt had been surveilling her in the nineties, long before the journal’s existence, he was in deep.

Ralph Ingersoll vs Rev. Coughlin

Fr. Coughlin, Ralph Ingersoll & the War Against Social Justice, as originally “printed” at Counter-Currents in late 2018, and more handsomely reproduced at Euro-Synergies, is right here.

Many men, women, boys & girls might prefer to read the whole thing. However, as we deliberately detoured into a talk about Ingersoll and his time at The New Yorker, Fortune, Time, and PM, some key paragraphs might sum it all up for the casual reader:

The public career of Rev. Charles E. Coughlin during the 1930s and early ‘40s is massively documented. Newsreels, publications, speeches, and broadcast recordings are all at your fingertips online. Yet the historical significance of this Canadian-American prelate (1891-1979) is maddeningly elusive. You may have read that he was an immensely popular but controversial “radio priest” with a decidedly populist-nationalist bent, or that he published a weekly magazine called Social Justice (1936-1942), whose contributors included future architect Philip Johnson and philosopher-to-be Francis Parker Yockey.

You may also know that his broadcasting and publishing endeavors were suspended in 1942, soon after American entry into the Second World War. Knowing nothing else, one would assume this was part of the same anti-sedition roundup that netted Lawrence Dennis, George Sylvester Viereck, and others. But in fact the anti-Coughlin campaign was much more focused and sustained, and it originated not from the Justice Department or any other government agency, but from an oddball Left-wing New York newspaper led by one of the most notable editors of the era: Ralph Ingersoll.

The paper was PM, and for the first two years of its existence (1940-42), it exulted in damning Father Coughlin as a seditionist, a yellow-journalist, a Nazi mouthpiece, and an impious opponent of democracy. PM began with a long series of articles in the summer of 1940. “Nazi Propagandist Coughlin Faithless to Church and Country: Hatred and Bigotry Spread Throughout the Nation by Priest,” screamed one headline. After American entry into the war, histrionic, full-page editorials by Editor Ingersoll became a regular feature; e.g., one titled “Has Charles Coughlin Lied Again?”

Time and our mental institutions will take care of his unhappy and misguided followers. But these leaders who have served the purpose of the murderous Adolf Hitler must go . . . Hitler and Coughlin – their lies have been the same . . . (PM, May 7, 1942)

In March ’42, PM started to print tear-out-and-mail questionnaires addressed to Attorney General Biddle, demanding that the government immediately investigate Coughlin and ban Social Justice from the US postal system. Forty-three thousand of these were mailed in by loyal readers, the paper reported, and soon enough Biddle lowered the boom. PM was cock-a-hoop:

The Post Office Dept. invoked the 1917 Sedition Act last night to ban from the mail Social Justice, founded in 1936 by Charles E. Coughlin.

Postmaster General Walker acted on a recommendation from Attorney General Biddle, who informed him that since the war [sic] Social Justice “has made a substantial contribution to a systematic and unscrupulous attack upon the war effort of our Nation, both civilian and military.” (PM, April 15, 1942)

Coughlin was threatened with a Grand Jury investigation for sending seditious propaganda to military personnel and munitions workers. Eventually, an agreement was reached between Justice and the bishop of Detroit, whereby Coughlin would cease publishing and public speaking and slip off quietly to his rectory. Which, as it happens, he did.

Caldwell Redux: Another Look at The Age of Entitlement

 

caldwell

Christopher Caldwell

Christopher Caldwell

The Age of Entitlement:
America Since the Sixties

New York: Simon & Schuster, 2020

P. J. Collins

In January, when I first read and reviewed Christopher Caldwell’s The Age of Entitlement, I couldn’t help noticing that the book was being hit by a broadside smear-attack, impressive in its vitriol. Four days before the book’s publication (that is to say, January 17) the New York Times warned the reader that it was an “overwrought and strangely airless book”:

Perhaps the author should have come up for oxygen when he found himself suggesting that the Southern segregationists were right all along.

[The book’s argument] leads nowhere. It proffers no constructive alternative, no plausible policy or path. The author knows perfectly well that there will be no “repeal of the civil rights laws.” He foresees only endless, grinding, negative-sum cultural and political warfare between two intractably opposed “constitutions.” His vision is a dead end.

Meanwhile the Wall Street Journal said it was “a book suffused with anger—at the system, at the movement of history.” But the most elaborate trashing came from the “conservative news site” Washington Examiner, in a review lip-smackingly entitled “Trumpism for Highbrows.” Here the reviewer, one Wesley Yang, effectively characterized Caldwell as an aggrieved white male in a MAGA hat, angry about the civil-rights revolution because people of other races and sex-permutations were now getting a slice of the pie. With this ad hominem attack, the reviewer simply dismissed evidence and argument as lacking any substance:

In the absence of any real evidence that the civil rights state has done grave material harm to white America, Caldwell settles into a long rant against political correctness… [He] fails to note that the overwhelming majorities of people of every ethnicity, including 3 out of 4 blacks, and upwards of 80% of Asians, Native Americans, and Hispanics, dislike political correctness.

As if that had anything to do with the price of eggs.

These reviews described a book so different from the one I read, I concluded they were parroting a list of talking points that the publishers had sent out pre-publication, in order to gin up controversy and buzz. I would assume that Simon & Schuster was afraid potential readers would pass by this new offering from the tweedy, self-effacing Caldwell, imagining the book to be erudite yet soporific, like the many opinion columns he has written over the years for the Financial Times, the New York Times, the NYPress, etc., etc. That is just an educated guess.

Anyway, the advance promotion did create a buzz, at least in the Twittersphere. Gloating over a bad review, the Russian-Jewish neocon Cathy Young gaily tweeted: “Somehow unsurprising that [Christopher Caldwell], whom I used to know ages ago, has gone hard right.” She hadn’t read the book, and neither had The New Republic‘s omnivorous hot-take artist Jeet Heer, who jumped in with: “He’s a really gifted writer, so this . . . . makes me sad.” Others bemoaned Caldwell’s intellectual decline since 1998, when he wrote about the directionlessness and moral vacuity of the Republican Party (“The Southern Captivity of the GOP“).

But then the sun came out, and we started to see reviews from ink-stained wretches out in the provinces and wire-services, people who actually read the damn thing, and found it to be insightful and cogent. (“The Age of Entitlement Is a Fascinating Read.”—Associated Press.)

The main difference between these favorable mainstream reviews and the early hit-jobs is that the early notices focused entirely upon such hot-button issues as civil rights, the legitimacy of the 14th Amendment, and the legal sanctity of gay marriage. But later reviewers (those who read the book, without a cheat-sheet) took The Age of Entitlement to be as much a popular social history as it is a political treatise, something along the lines of William Manchester’s The Glory and the Dream (subtitled A Narrative History of America, 1932-1972).

Caldwell’s book could be subtitled Angst and Pop Culture in America, 1963-2015. We briefly revisit: waterbeds; Hugh Hefner’s Playboy Mansion and round bed; “sexist” commercials from Eastern Air Lines and “feminist” ones for Virginia Slims cigarettes; the brief rise of the CB radio fad in the 70s and the downfall of the IBM Selectric typewriter in the 80s; Gay Lib; Rush Limbaugh and the talk-radio cult; the Trayvon Martin affair; immigration and the demographic transformation of America; and what it means to be “red-pilled.” Financial matters figure greatly: the S&L and bank failures of the 80s and 90s; the student loan crisis (Caldwell blames Pell Grants); junk bonds; leveraged buyouts; global outsourcing; and the mortgage debacle that crescendoed into the 2008 Wall Street crash. But these too were pop-culture trends of a sort, enabled by deregulation and political opportunism.

The biggest fad of all, though, is the equality-and-diversity cult. This initially seeded itself with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Since then it has gradually metastasized, sprouting bureaucracies, oversight agencies, and judicial diktats. The legal framework of this cult has come to form a kind of Deep State (a “Second Constitution” in Caldwell’s phrase), against whose authority all appeal is futile. But you cannot describe this monstrous apparatus without talking about those other artifacts of pop culture. They are mutually enabling. The Sexual Revolution led to Roe v. Wade and Obergefell v. Hodges; not because it had to, but because it gradually changed popular opinion, meaning there was opportunity to litigate, particularly in an over-lawyered society where you can sue a ham sandwich for violating your civil rights.

Pace the New York Times review—”It proffers no constructive alternative, no plausible policy or path”—Caldwell’s book does indeed give a roadmap for those who want one. It’s not a silly how-to guide for activists (1. Write your Congressman; 2. Organize a Tupperware party), but rather a description of where we’ve been and what dangers we must avoid, going forward. 

The Age of Entitlement brings a clarity to the Right-nationalist schema that wasn’t there before. For decades we muddled on with an inchoate set of high-flown theories about race and ethnicity, and who has the best IQs and test scores and time-preference. And we kept losing, year after year, decade after decade. We didn’t understand what was happening. We just knew something didn’t feel right in our gut, and we were ashamed that we didn’t have an impressively abstruse explanation for it all. The magic of Donald Trump in 2015-2016—however much a disappointment he turned out to be—was that he crashed through all the fluff and abstraction and told our inarticulate instincts that some moral principles need no justification or apology: we need, and we deserve, to run our own country. And our nation must be populated by our own people; in its simplest formulation, we need a mostly white country.

Trump never said this, of course, and neither does Caldwell. But that’s where the bien-pensants seem to think they’re both headed. Hence the anger and alarm in those book reviews I describe up top.

The Age of Entitlement shows us that the political cant of race-grievance and perversion is only that, empty words, like the patter of the three-card-monte shark as he prepares to take your money. From now on, any jabber in praise of the civil-rights cult and its destructive offspring is going to be recognized as the sanctimonious humbug that it is. 

 *  *  *

One weakness in this book—more a feature than a bug, perhaps—is that it seems to dribble off inconclusively at the end, with the Donald Trump announcement for President in 2015. And here we are now in 2020. I suspect Caldwell was looking for a coda with the Trump Administration, and so he held up publication.

His last big book was Reflections on the Revolution in Europe, which came out in 2009, and which The Economist called “the best statement to date of the pessimist’s position on Islamic immigration in Europe.” That too lacked a coda, because the Charlie Hebdo and Bataclan massacres in Paris wouldn’t happen till 2015, nor would the crest of the European “refugee crisis.” But sooner or later you have to make an end, and publish. When I ran into him in Washington DC at the November 2016 NPI Conference (aka Hailgate), Caldwell said he was writing an opinion piece for the New York Times‘s Week in Review section (which he did: “What the Alt-Right Really Means,” Dec. 2, 2016). But now I realize he must have been searching for a conclusion to The Age of Entitlement. He didn’t find one.

Something else that’s askew in the book is its treatment of the role of finance and capital markets in the promotion of civil-rights culture. He regards political faddery as the horse pulling the cart of capital. To my mind it’s quite the other way around. The civil-rights culture was enabled, and encouraged, by changes in financial markets that occurred in the 1960s-80s: a short-term, “high time-preference” mentality, with a willingness to take on massive debt and chase quarterly earnings rather than invest for the long run. With this corporate mindset, public relations become paramount. Boardrooms pander to trendy and “woke” opinion, worry about getting a bad press, and fear vexatious lawsuits about “discrimination.” There are good reasons why things like Affirmative Action were complacently accepted by the corporate suite in the 1980s and 90s, when they never would have been in the 1920s or even 1950s.

Similarly, progressivist public policy was not the prime mover behind the financial debacle of 2008. No, that had its roots in the deregulation that began during the Jimmy Carter administration and ran all the way up through George W. Bush years, and was driven by lobbyists from Wall Street, S&L’s and commercial banks. Caldwell says the remote causes of the crash were politically driven, I say they were politically enabled. His version makes for a clearer, juicier story, one more adaptable to a film script or book tour. And he’s absolutely marvelous in tracing the origins of that financial failure to a specific point in time. In The Age of Entitlement and more recently in a New York Times column, he starts the tale with the aftermath of the 1992 Los Angeles race riots. George H. W. Bush signed the Housing and Community Development Act, lowering underwriting standards for “underserved areas,” i.e., “minority” neighborhoods. Bill Clinton went a step farther, forcing banks to write mortgages for risky, low-income borrowers, often without any down-payment at all.

The less likely you were to pay off a mortgage, the more likely you were to get one. . . . No well-informed accountant thought these loans could survive an economic downturn, and they did not. The politicization of poor people’s mortgages in a single country . . . brought the world to the brink of economic disaster. (New York Times, February 15, 2020)

To my mind, Caldwell’s telling begs the question of why banking executives were so easily gulled and strong-armed into an arrangement leading to disaster. It was because they had long lived with the high-risk, short-term outlook endemic to their industry. By the time the crash hit, they expected to have moved on and perhaps retired, with their own assets safely locked away. Après eux, le déluge.

 

Race and Class in the Films of Basil Dearden

clapper

Dearden and his clapper.

For decades now I’ve been waiting for someone to package an oversize picture-book called The Films of Basil Dearden. The 1970s would have been a good time for that, since Dearden died in ’71 (car accident), and this mid-rank British director was in need of appreciation. Great big coffee-table books about cinema were then much in vogue (Truffaut/Hitchcock, The Citizen Kane Book, Flesh and Fantasy). But now, in this current era of poorly designed, un-illustrated e-books, I’m not exactly holding my breath.

Dearden has had a fair, if marginal, reputation in America, but on his home ground critics have been dismissive, often hilariously so:

His films are decent, empty and plodding . . . [1]

Dearden typifies the traditional Good Director in the appalling performances he draws from good actors; and in his total lack of feeling for cinema. [2]

Basil Dearden will never join the frontline of British film directors. He won’t be canonised, nor does he deserve to be among “Britain’s Best,” alongside Michael Powell, Alfred Hitchcock or even David Lean. . . . A workmanlike and very British drudge. [3]

Why no love for our Basil? Too much “sociological seriousness” is one recurrent gripe. Dearden had a fatal attraction to mawkish exposés of such things as juvenile delinquency, homosexuality, and miscegenation. Typically he’d attempt a heartfelt plea for tolerance and equality, or something like that, but his direction tended to misfire. So what we get instead looked like prurience and sensationalism, or even the message that tolerance and equality are bad juju, best avoided. Dearden threw irksome ingredients into a film just to be edgy. Supposedly he is responsible for the first-ever interracial relationship in British film (1951’s Pool of London). There the race angle is minor and gratuitous, tossed in to add spice to a workmanlike but unexciting production. This theme stuck with him, so that in two of his later films the interracial business is at the heart of the story (Sapphire and All Night Long, discussed below) and leads, seemingly inevitably, to violence and/or death. The moral to these films thus appears to be that miscegenation is transgressive and dangerous—so don’t do it!

The other complaint about Dearden’s work is his versatility. His output ran counter to the faddish, if dubious, auteur theory. In the course of his fifty-odd films, he made hilarious low comedies, and high-toned caper films; along with sociological thrillers, dramas, police procedurals, science fiction, science-fiction comedy—an indecipherable thing with Kenneth More called Man in the Moon—and at least one David Lean-style historical blockbuster, Khartoum, that was praised at the time but gets little respect these days, mainly because top-billed Laurence Olivier clowns around in his role. In the 1960s as today, such a range of subjects was suspect in itself. In Dearden there’s just not enough sense of authorial vision of the kind you see in French New Wave directors, who often enough seemed to be making the same film over and over. Or, for that matter, the films of such British contemporaries as Carol Reed or Hitchcock, whose high-strung narratives had a recognizable look and feel.

If you look at Dearden films indiscriminately, you sometimes get the sense of a hack-for-hire. You imagine him wrapping one film, and moving on to whatever likely project someone handed him. For example, in 1957 he directed a delightful Ealing-style comedy called The Smallest Show on Earth, about a penniless young couple (Bill Travers and Virginia McKenna) who think they’ve inherited a lavish provincial cinema from a distant uncle. The movie house turns out to be a broken-down “fleapit” in the care of some ancient, incompetent retainers (Peter Sellers, Bernard Miles, Margaret Rutherford). After some low comedy and inadvertent arson, the couple sell the fleapit to the greedy rival whose movie palace just burned down; whereupon they pocket a small fortune, and head off to Samarkand.

Dearden followed up this screwball classic with something called Violent Playground (1958), which inhabits an entirely different filmic universe. Now we’re in the Liverpool slums, where a police detective (Stanley Baker) is trying to find the young delinquent who’s setting fire to buildings. The arsonist is none other than young David McCallum, six years before his Man from U.N.C.L.E. stardom. On the lam from the police, McCallum grabs a machine gun, flees to a school, holds a classroom of children hostage, and nearly kills the local priest (the ubiquitous Peter Cushing) by pushing him off a ladder. No happy resolutions here, no uplifting moral. The unintended takeaway isn’t that the welfare of the urban poor needs to be improved, but rather that bad people live in housing estates.

*   *   *

And this brings us up to Sapphire (1959), a beautiful if (yes) plodding police procedural, one of Dearden’s few color films of the era. A young woman is found dead on Hampstead Heath. A police detective (Nigel Patrick) does his job, and all kinds of surprises unfurl. The victim, Sapphire Robbins, turns out to be an improbably Caucasian-looking mulatta who recently had begun “passing for white.” She was due to wed an earnest, duffel-coated Cambridge student whose lower-middle-class (English) family seems to have no idea of Sapphire’s origins. Our detective spends much of his screen time unraveling how and why Sapphire managed to “pass,” which initially is as much a mystery as her murder. We learn that she cut her social ties to black lovers and friends, lest they give the game away. Sapphire may well have got herself pregnant in order to trick the Cambridge student into marrying her (though the script is too bien-pensant to dwell on that point). When the circumstances of her murder are finally revealed, we get a truly surprising and unexpected ending, one too good to spoil here. But the major plot twist in the drama is something we might not have guessed at the beginning, and that is Sapphire’s low moral character. This is one police procedural where it seems the murder victim deserved her fate.

Begun in late 1958, after the Notting Hill Riots, Sapphire was inevitably probed and praised for its wide-ranging and rather sympathetic exploration of the black community in London. The blacks here are not generally poor or badly done by; some are snobbish, well-to-do professionals. Yet, although it won a BAFTA Best Film award, Sapphire is reviewed today mainly as a well-meaning curiosity, a clumsy if well-intentioned social critique that “reveals the shocking intolerance of many in the white middle class.” But what it really shows us is that blacks who arrived in England after World War Two were outsiders with their own subcultures and needs, and who had little regard for white folks and their condescension.

Sapphire is one of four Dearden films that were bundled up on DVD by the Criterion Collection in 2011 and released under the heading, London Underground. This quartet includes Dearden’s other big race-themed movie, All Night Long (made in 1961, released 1962). All Night Long is a very different kettle of fish from Sapphire. The screenwriter had the idea of writing a modern version of “Othello,” substituting a black American jazz-band leader for the Moor of Venice. The character is named Aurelius Rex, which suggests the scenarist’s mind was on Thelonious Monk. However the tuxedo-clad, silky-smooth black actor here (Paul Harris) is more along the lines of Chico Hamilton from Sweet Smell of Success. Likewise the jazz we get is conventional nightclubby stuff of the era. It’s played in an elegant private performance space, with the musicians and male guests mostly attired in dinner jackets and under-collar black bow ties. Roger Moore in his early-60s TV role as “The Saint” would be very much in his element. Nearly everyone’s dressed in black and white, and—lobby card notwithstanding—this is most appropriately a black-and-white film.

“Rex,” as everyone calls the black jazz-maestro, is married to a tall blonde chantoosie who has retired from the circuit, since Rex doesn’t like sharing her with the public. One of Rex’s sidemen is a conniving drummer (TV’s Danger Man/Secret Agent star Patrick McGoohan, speaking an uneven attempt at American demotic). The drummer plots to steal the blonde singer away so she can front his own band. His ruse is to convince Rex that the blonde has been fooling around with the saxophonist. So the jealous Rex challenges his wife, nearly strangles her to death, and almost kills the saxophonist too, for good measure.

And that’s the story. It’s not much, and the Shakespearean analogies seem forced and perfunctory. Our Iago figure, McGoohan, is too nervous and chatterboxy to be a creditable confidant. Rex meanwhile is presented as cool and amiable, not a jealous husband easily riled. And the jazz-singing blonde (Marti Stevens) looks to be a hard-bitten babe of forty, rather than a dewy-eyed, clueless Desdemona.

If the story is creaky and unpersuasive, the script credit gives a hint why. The writer is one “Peter Achilles,” a pseudonym for blacklisted communist writer Paul Jarrico (alias Israel Shapiro). Jarrico seems to be making some point about the Hollywood blacklist, and betrayal, and false friends who “named names” to save their careers. But the “Othello” plot is a poor vehicle for such political agenda. Iago is a lousy villain to begin with, as he has no motive; while McGoohan’s version isn’t aiming at anything more nefarious than starting up his own jazz combo.

Fortunately the film doesn’t depend on this wobbly plot. The script is just a pretext to display the lavish production values in the film, and these are superb. The setting is an all-night music session, hosted by a jazz-loving toff (Richard Attenborough), who is celebrating Rex and Mrs. Rex’s wedding anniversary. The Canadian actor Bernard Braden has a broad turn as an irascible Jewish booking agent. He comes in, sits down, gets offended, leaves; his function in the plot being merely to raise the evening’s tension a few notches. This is an absolutely necessity, because for the first half of the movie everyone’s having a great time at the party, while the plot is going nowhere. Jazz notables on hand include the chubby, shy, polyglot Charles Mingus, who doesn’t have many lines but dutifully plucks his double-bass through much of the film. A goofily grinning Dave Brubeck arrives in a raincoat and heads straight for the piano, which he proceeds to play for twenty minutes while the camera shows us close-ups of his nimble fingers.

The set itself is a wonder, specially constructed to permit wide-angle shots and long camera takes throughout the building. Most Dearden films have no soundstages or special sets at all. They’re shot at outdoor locations, and in whatever cramped offices or houses happened to be available. But this cutaway film stage was intricately designed for this single production, and however wasteful and indulgent it may have been (the kind of thing Jerry Lewis or Orson Welles would do when they were in funds), it goes a long way to compensating for this early-60s jazz film disguised as pseudo-Shakespearean drama.

league-victim

Jack Hawkins in The League of Gentlemen; Anthony Nicholls, Dennis Price and Dirk Bogarde in Victim.

The other two Dearden films in Criterion’s London Underground collection avoid racial matters. They have other lurid social issues to attend to. These are The League of Gentlemen (1960) and Victim (1961). League is a gentlemanly bank-heist film. It’s shot through with sophisticated comedy and, like a Rat Pack caper, has very nearly an all-star cast, beginning with retired colonel Jack Hawkins as the leader of the merry band. Then there’s the versatile Richard Attenborough again, no toff this time but a token oik who seems to be good with his hands; smooth Nigel Patrick once more, as a piss-elegant scrounger and former black-marketeer; and hoarse-voiced Richard Livesey as a fake clergyman with a long rap sheet for indecent behavior and related activities.

The ur-text for League is a familiar genre of war film: the kind where an assortment of brilliant scapegraces put together an escape from Stalag Luft. Only it is now ten or fifteen years after the war, and these ex-army officers are going to use their various specialties to escape poverty and abandonment by a society where they are misfits. One of our anti-heroes is a pathetic cuckold, another makes a living as a gigolo. The Nigel Patrick character goes broke while trying to run illegal gambling parties out of his flat, where the house never seems to win. (Period note: gambling casinos would become legal in London in another year or two.) The Attenborough character’s dark secret is that he passed secrets to the Soviets in Berlin, 1945—for money, not politics; and with the same mercenary motive he now rejiggers one-armed bandits for East End spivs. And then there’s a physical trainer and onetime Mosleyite named Captain Stevens, a presumptive homosexual who’s behind in his blackmail payments.

Actually the whole script is propelled by a kind of blackmail, since our Jack Hawkins colonel threatens to expose all his men’s dirt if they don’t cooperate in his little bank-robbery scheme.

So we have eight ex-officers in all, and they pull a double-heist. First they steal guns and explosives from an army base, posing as commandos from the Irish Republican Army. Then on to the main event: a bank near St. Paul’s, where someone has just delivered £1m in old, untraceable banknotes. Our gentlemen very nearly get away with it all. They get arrested at the end, thanks to the British Board of Film Censors. This is the film’s only wrong note. The bad ending hangs on an unlikely plot-point: it seems there was a little boy outside the bank, and he has a hobby of writing down out-of-town car license numbers.

Victim (1961), Dearden’s next major feature, is self-importantly noirish, much grimmer than the frolicsome League of Gentlemen. But visually, thematically, and in its tight, thrillerish pacing it feels like a sequel. Blackmail threats, only a background note of the earlier movie, here form the core of the plot. Once again we’re dealing with upper-middle-class professionals and others who are haunted by dark secrets in their past.

Supposedly the secrets in Victim are of the sodomite variety, but since there isn’t any sex or seduction in the film, I’d argue that the “queer” angle is really a convenient allegory for deviant politics, particularly those murky old spy-ring associations that would fascinate the London press for many decades. Films and serials about espionage and Cambridge Spy types would eventually congeal into a durable genre (Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy et al.). But we weren’t there yet in the early 1960s, so if you wanted to tell a story about dark rumors and illegal activity, you had to titillate with suggestions of perversion. The titillation worked a little too well in the American market, where most distributors wanted nothing to do with it, because Dearden refused to edit a scene where a policeman utters the word “homosexual.” For the next two decades, Victim gained an unwarranted reputation as a daring, “underground” piece of cinema, something that in the 60s and 70s would turn up as late-night fare on the art-house circuit. Gay film festivals discovered it in the 1980s and presented it as a kind of Stone Age plea for Gay Lib. (Meantime the star, Dirk Bogarde, used Victim to escape from his matinée-idol typecasting, and moved on to weirdo roles, e.g., in The Servant, The Damned, Death in Venice, and The Night Porter.)

Superficially, the plot of Victim revolves around a successful 40-year-old barrister, Melville Farr (Bogarde) who has taken it upon himself to expose a ring of blackmailers preying on mostly mature and well-heeled gay men. One of the blackmail victims is a businessman-peer, another a successful photographer, yet another a famous actor (performed by Dennis Price in a near-libelous caricature of Noël Coward). But our white-knighting barrister is soon shocked and baffled to discover that his blackmailed friends don’t feel particularly victimized. They’re happy to pay, as they are wealthy and welcome this extortion as protection money. And then we find that two of the key operatives in the blackmail ring are also “that way.” Nearly the only upright, honest man in the film is a seasoned old policeman, who doesn’t judge anyone’s sexuality, because he’s after real criminals. Cops are really the good guys, the script tells us. Whereas homos are sort of like rampaging Comanches, preying upon each other and everyone else.

Like Sapphire, Victim has suffered from superficial reading by inattentive critics. You will often read that the gay men here are upstanding innocents, and that the film presents them sympathetically. Obviously, from what I’ve just said, this is hardly the case. Furthermore, you’ll read that Farr himself (Bogarde) is a closeted homosexual who sacrifices his career by chasing the blackmailers. In reality the script tells us that married-man Farr hasn’t actually had any homosexual relationships (though he confesses to inclinations). Once upon a time, at university twenty years ago, there was a fellow student who became infatuated with Farr and, when rejected, killed himself. This supposedly is the great wound in Farr’s past. But it’s the merest ghost of a hint of personal scandal, about as compromising as an old rumor that you had Leftist friends in the 1930s, and they raised funds for the Spanish Loyalists.

Ultimately the film is a critique of social class. The upper-class characters have money and connections to buy their safety. The real victims are lower-middle- and working-class characters who impoverish themselves to pay the merciless blackmailers. Here is an obvious parallel between the film’s comfortable homosexuals and such Soviet spies as Philby and Blunt who were long protected by government and colleagues, and then rewarded with cushy jobs in art and journalism when their spook days were over. Meanwhile, the little lowly-born mice in the Soviet espionage apparatus were neatly rounded up by MI5 and packed off to prison.

*   *   *

On a lighter note, I want to finish up by talking about Khartoum (1966), which is at once Dearden’s most uncharacteristic and “commercial” work. Well, maybe not that commercial. After opening to stunning reviews, it failed disastrously at the box office. Through the years it’s steadily sunk in critical esteem, in spite of—or because of—its intelligent script, its visual beauty, and its epic grandeur.

The great flaw in Khartoum is the casting of Laurence Olivier as Muhammad Ahmad, the great Mahdi, leader of a great jihad in 1880s Sudan. Nobody seems to have realized it at the time, but Olivier treated the whole project as a joke. He was one of the initial choices as co-star in 1962, when Khartoum entered development as a Lawrence of Arabia-style spectacular. He was then slotted to play opposite Burt Lancaster as General Charles “Chinese” Gordon. But time and commitments marched on: Lancaster dropped out, Olivier dropped out, and Charlton Heston came on board. By the time shooting was about to begin in 1965, Olivier was back in the cast, but he could only do a few scenes, and wouldn’t do them on location (which was Egypt, not Sudan, as Sudan was in upheaval again). So when the location shooting was finished, the main production unit moved to Pinewood Studios near London, and shot the Olivier scenes on a soundstage.

For some reason Olivier decided to do the Mahdi as high-camp comedy, with blackface, flamboyant gestures, and a comical voice. In many promotional stills and European posters, Olivier is wearing light-tan makeup and looks not unlike Alec Guinness as Prince Faisal in Lawrence of Arabia. On the film set, though, Olivier went for ultra-dark makeup, so that his face is an unrecognizable smudge. In fact, the first time I saw this film, I was close to the end before I realized that this clown in blackface was Laurence Oliver. Like Basil Dearden, Larry was there for the paycheck, not to be memorialized in what he must have regarded as an overblown, overproduced embarrassment.

khartoum-olivier

Re-screening Khartoum in 2009, a critic in the Guardian commented that, “Just about everyone involved in this 1966 epic about Britain’s imperial adventure in Sudan deserves to have sand kicked in their faces.”

[Olivier’s] stab at a Sudanese accent sounds like Sebastian, the singing Caribbean crab from Disney’s The Little Mermaid, pretending to be a Russian spy. “Oh, beylovvids!” he says to his beloved followers. . . . Heston plays it straight, leaving Olivier looking even more like he has escaped from a racist panto.

Quite. But what the Guardian writer seemed to miss is that Olivier’s low-comedy turn was intentional. The difference between his “promotional” makeup and what he slapped on for the screen is, well, night and day. You have to think Dearden permitted these antics because he was too much in awe of the great Laurence Olivier.

Charlton Heston had no great regard for Basil Dearden as director; Dearden was a last choice, after Carol Reed and other directors refused the project. In this one instance, at least, maybe Heston’s judgment was right. Dearden couldn’t direct Larry. On the other hand, Heston could have complained about Olivier’s clownishness, and evidently did not. And so to this day, if you search out stills and posters for the film, you will find the Olivier character in a variety of hues ranging from Caucasian to deepest Shinola.

Today as in 1966, the Khartoum viewer is constantly reminded of Lawrence of Arabia. You have the lingering desert vistas, and hordes of savage Muslim tribesmen. There’s also a score by Maurice Jarre, and a very driven, confused central character. Instead of a mystical, fatalistic T. E. Lawrence played by a then-unknown Peter O’Toole, we have Heston as the mystical, fatalistic Gordon. Like Lawrence, Gordon is sent off on an exotic, vaguely defined mission, and like Lawrence he goes rogue in his own heroic and foolhardy way. Alas, he doesn’t get to return to England or die many years later in a motorcycle accident. He’s speared to death and ends up decapitated, with his head twirling atop a long pole in the final scene. And that’s not the most appalling scene in the film. (Someone thought the twirling-head bit was too gruesome, so it’s cropped out of TV and DVD editions.)

The trouble with Heston in the role is that he was already a familiar screen presence, so it’s hard to get engaged with the quirky character of General Gordon. When O’Toole did Lawrence of Arabia, nobody knew Peter O’Toole and few but the ancient remembered much about T. E. Lawrence (mainly from the lecture/travelogue show that Lowell Thomas and Dale Carnegie toured with in the early 1920s). So when O’Toole’s film came out in 1963, you got to meet Lawrence with fresh eyes. In Khartoum, you can’t stop seeing Charlton Heston, acting away with the same grim, perturbed mien we see in other roles of the period (whether in 55 Days at Peking or Planet of the Apes).

And yet, during its brief honeymoon of critical acclaim in 1966, Khartoum was widely praised, mainly for its cinematography and “very literate” screenplay by Robert Ardrey. A few people caviled about historical inaccuracies, but these were generally not Ardrey’s fault; they were things that needed to be inserted into the script for marketing reasons. The real Mahdi and Gordon corresponded but never actually met, although they do twice in the film. It simply would not have done for the co-stars merely to be pen-pals, when there were all those posters splashed around, showing them side-by-side and cheek-by-jowl . . . as though they were always trotting off together into the Ultra Panavision desert, like Omar Sharif and Peter O’Toole.

Notes

[1] David Thomson, 1980; quoted in Alan Burton and Tim O’Sullivan, The Cinema of Basil Dearden and Michael Relph (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press), 2009.

[2] Victor Perkins, 1962; quoted by Meredith Taylor, in “Neglected British Film Directors: Basil Dearden,” in Filmuforia, 2018. Note: Mr Alan Price—not the musician but a writer and reviewer—has informed me that it was actually he, and not Meredith Taylor, who authored most of this Dearden appreciation. Indeed, I now see his byline at the very bottom of the Filmuforia essay though Meredith Taylor is named as author up top, possibly because she laid in the article. (WordPress has a workaround for this.)

Link: http://filmuforia.co.uk/underrated-directors-basil-dearden/

[3] Taylor (Price), Filmuforia.

Review: The Age of Entitlement

Christopher Caldwell00Rauch2-superJumbo

The Age of Entitlement:

America Since the Sixties

New York: Simon & Schuster, 2020

The big takeaway in Christopher Caldwell’s The Age of Entitlement is that since the mid-1960s, the cult of Equality and Diversity has been an unremittingly destructive and subversive force. It first embedded itself with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and their attendant bureaucracies and compliance authorities. It formed a kind of Deep State, and it’s grown quietly and steadily ever since. Caldwell calls the phenomenon a “Second Constitution,” as it is based on a body of legislation and judicial rulings that often oppose and override the safeguards of the real Constitution, the 1788 one. Over the last half-century this has led to the demographic disfigurement of our country and the destruction of our economic and industrial base.

How did all this happen? It was neither intentional nor clearly foreseen by most people fifty-odd years ago. It’s not an easy thing to explain or undo. You’re not going to overturn it by marching in the streets or by voting out Congress in the next election. Caldwell is here to describe the history of the illness, not offer possible nostrums. He has a subtle, many-branched argument, and he builds it patiently as he takes us by the hand and leads us through all the passing fads, legal rulings, and economic downturns of recent decades. The book often seems more a popular social history than a political treatise, rather along the lines of William Manchester’s The Glory and the Dream (subtitled A Narrative History of America, 1932-1972). We briefly revisit waterbeds; Hugh Hefner’s round bed; Ms. Magazine; that early-70s self-help classic, Our Bodies, Our Selves; the disappearance of the IBM Selectric; the Rush Limbaugh cult; the Trayvon Martin affair; and being “red-pilled.”

He breaks off his narrative in 2015, just as Donald Trump comes onstage. In the meantime he shows us how the Equality cult hopped upon current enthusiasms and social trends, and leveraged them to take control of law and popular opinion.

For example: Women’s Lib—or “Second-Wave Feminism,” as they call it now. Initially it came across as a kind of fashion statement or maybe an advertising “hook.” (“You’ve Come a Long Way, Baby!”) But as the late 60s passed into the 70s, ideologues and activists began to spin this new “feminism” as a struggle for Freedom & Equality: a new civil rights movement, built on the desegregation template. “Women” were said to be victims of oppression; their past suffering deserved redress. Later on, and more preposterously, the Gay Lib agenda went from a simple demand for tolerance and justice, to an insistence that since they were a “minority,” homosexuals needed their own anti-discrimination legislation. In the end they demanded “rights” that nobody else had ever had: that of legally marrying a member of your own sex. The excuse for this was, again and paradoxically, “Equality.”

What’s baffling here is not that special interests lobbied for self-serving causes, but rather that the American people so readily rolled over and said yes. Often enough they even championed these causes. Caldwell has the idea that this happened because the largest age-cohort of the population, the “Baby Boomers,” were growing up as these movements emerged in the 1960s and 70s and beyond. By the time Boomers had all reached voting age in the mid-80s, they were 38% of the electorate.

Furthermore, Baby Boomers grew up in an age of plenty and optimism, in an America that was almost entirely white, in which modern social problems were unthinkable. Surely we could never be inundated by nonwhite aliens. In 1970 only 5% of the population were born abroad, and that 5% was almost entirely from Germany, Britain, and elsewhere in Europe.

While Caldwell begins his story with the JFK assassination and the Civil Rights Era, the really pivotal period in the narrative comes with the Reagan administration. For good or ill, demographics and industrial decline ensured that the Reagan 80s would be a turning-point in economic and social policy. Things went rather ill. For the first time in the 20th century, the US became a net-debtor nation. This was hardly inevitable. The Reagan administration had promised to cut social spending and racially driven social programs, but didn’t. It chose instead to buy “social peace,” continuing and even expanding the welfare and entitlement programs: a net transfer of wealth from whites to blacks. For similar reasons, after making a couple of half-hearted proposals to dismantle Affirmative Action, the Reagan people allowed it to stand.

Illegal immigration was badly in need of a remedy by the 1980s, but when an immigration bill was finally enacted (Simpson-Mazzoli Act, 1986), it was misconceived and toothless. Employers, not aliens, were the ones who would be prosecuted and fined for breaking the law. And employers meanwhile also had to comply with Federal equal-opportunity and non-discrimination rules; they couldn’t single out probable aliens, based on appearance, language, etc. It was a contradictory, lose-lose arrangement, and the bill’s provisions soon proved unenforceable. To make things worse, Simpson-Mazzoli gave blanket amnesty to nearly all illegals who were living and working in the country.

The Reagan years were an optimal time for reversing course. There was an immensely popular President who was elected on a platform of reducing the Federal bureaucracy and shutting down the Johnson-era civil-rights and social programs. His opponents, for the first six years of his tenure, were weak and generally unpopular. The Reagan administration failed to meet any of its promised agenda. In social policies, economic policy, and illegal immigration, the Reagan people left us worse off than we were before.

And then there’s that debt. The 1980s was the period when America began to be fueled by debt: Federal debt, overleveraged savings-and-loan debt, no-money-down mortgage debt, and the innocent beginnings of the current student-debt crisis. Caldwell traces the student-debt problem to Pell grants, which were meant to help poor students who couldn’t get financial aid otherwise. But their main beneficiaries were for-profit “universities” such as the University of Phoenix. That esteemed chain-school of higher learning created about $35 billion of the current outstanding debt, and has a student-loan default rate, Caldwell tells us, that is higher than the graduation rate.

Another legacy of the period is the practice of “outsourcing” and “offshoring,” which like unbridled immigration is just a concealed form of borrowing against the future. Beginning with clothing makers, American industry began to job-out its manufacturing operations to China and elsewhere. They could slough off their domestic manufacturing workers and much of their middle-management, ditch the onerous Federal employment rules; slash operating expenses and even get tax deductions for moving plant. By the early 90s the gutting of American industry was proceeding full-throttle.

Caldwell does not suggest any kind of “conspiracy theory” in his argument. He’s not a neo-segregationist or someone campaigning for immediate repeal of the 14th Amendment. He thinks (or says he thinks) the initial wave of civil rights legislation was well intended and perfectly understandable, given the social sentiments of the mid-60s. It was soon after the JFK assassination, and Lyndon Johnson promoted the new bills as part of a supposed Kennedy legacy. Civil rights and voting rights bills had been languishing in Congress since the 1950s, but now they sped through, along with a new immigration bill that dropped national-origin quotas for the first time in forty years.

The civil-rights bills were the most radical legislation passed by Congress since Reconstruction. But no good deed goes unpunished, and the Negro community did not seem particularly appreciative. It was all too little and too late.

The mostly Northern whites who legislated against Jim Crow saw themselves as making a grand and magnanimous gesture, cutting a heroic figure…. Black people, and the most zealous among the civil rights activists of all races, saw whites as having entered a guilty plea in the court of history…

Caldwell pretty much sidesteps two other key factors behind civil rights in the 1960s. One is the Cold War. Southern segregation was bad optics for a USA trying to curry friendship with nonwhite countries around the globe. It was an ever-popular topic for Soviet propagandists. The other factor is the role of the news media, with its relentless anti-Southern, anti-segregation slant, and its TV footage of colored schoolgirls, protected by Federal troops while running a gauntlet of white protestors in Little Rock in 1957; as well as the matriculation of negro college students in Mississippi and Alabama a few years later. These are vital considerations, but Caldwell left them out, perhaps because they’d be distractions from his main narrative. Or maybe, since he was born in 1962 (a Late Boomer), they’re just not on his personal radar.

Some reviewers have been amazingly hostile to this rather anodyne social-political history. They take aim mostly at Caldwell’s thesis on the “rival Constitution” which, as I say, is but a small if essential part of the book. They say Caldwell is a “highbrow Trumpist.” That he is against desegregation, nonwhite immigration, homosexual marriage, and generally the whole skein of “equal rights” decisions that have been handed down since Brown v. Board of Education in the 1950s. As is usual with this point-and-splutter technique, the opponents don’t have any cogent criticism or opposing argument. The New York Times review by Jonathan Rauch (January 17, 2020) is a masterpiece of invective:

Perhaps most depressingly, Caldwell’s account, even if one accepts its cramped view of the Constitution and its one-eyed moral bookkeeping, leads nowhere. It proffers no constructive alternative, no plausible policy or path. The author knows perfectly well that there will be no “repeal of the civil rights laws.” He foresees only endless, grinding, negative-sum cultural and political warfare between two intractably opposed “constitutions.” His vision is a dead end. Unfortunately, it also seems to be where American conservatism is going.

 

This makes me wonder if the reviewer really read the book, or is just repeating some talking points sent out by advance readers. Rauch makes no mention of Caldwell’s pop-culture forays, or his discussion of the debt economy. And as for proffering no constructive alternative, the policy portions of the book are a detailed examination of colossal mistakes and mendacious neglect. It’s hypocritical to blame the doctor for not having a miracle cure when he tells you you’re diseased and you don’t want to hear it.

The Age of Entitlement is an ambitious history of America in our times, an attempt to explain What Went Wrong. It’s sometimes uneven and definitely unfinished, but dazzles with insights throughout. Reject or accept those insights, or damn the “Second Constitution” thesis if it doesn’t fit your political cant, but you cannot fault the book for its encyclopedic breadth.